Tuesday, August 25, 2020

Marketing Management for Digital Marketing Strategy -myassignmenthelp

Question: Examine about theMarketing Management for Digital Marketing Strategy. Answer: Assess My Valuer, New Zealand current computerized advertising methodology utilizing the 4E system: Experience and Engage While undertaking a look towards My Valuer and assessing the 4E system adequacy for the online life, it was immediately dissected that the association is extending in its field. Through spreading the report about what new in the property showcase, My Valuer rapidly educate their clients about the new contribution or items and how a similar work with whats new. Among the new items its completely exists on clients to live the experience and get a property in new zones with present day offices. For the one, who select live understanding, they for the most part get ready for marriage. My Valuer rapidly contacts individuals, as they move towards new data and appropriately update their clients. These clients are keen on the headway of administrations or items whether its the instance of new home highlights (Ries, 2003). My Valuer draw in their clients in their new innovations, which is chiefly wanted to create with the assistance of internet based life. Twitter and Facebook is the ideal spot for the total world to see what is in reality about taking available. With the decrease in the utilization of TV, in light of the fact that the new age is moving towards Hulu, Netflix, and Amazon Streaming to accomplish the moment satisfaction, this circumstance happened when the age quit viewing the ads, or it is possible that they sit tight for the planned time of their preferred shows. That is the explanation; social applications are working best in spreading the updates on property advertise (Grewal, 2016). Suggest a showcasing technique for every component of the 4E structure, legitimize your chose advanced stage for every individual component as indicated by wanted development of your association and situating and the objective client. Plan and give a course of events of your showcasing methodology My Valuer includes the total 4E system with experience, and commitment. My Valuer attempts to connect with their clients through their items and by catching the occasions and pictures that are record-breaking. My Valuer additionally looks to connect with their clients by sharing the property data by means of short substance or by recordings about the items or new venture choices. To encounter the brand, it is acceptable to see the YouTube recordings and achieve the data without My Valuer can in sight. My Valuer advertising relies upon different sites, papers, messages, as they can stretch the limits and post one of a kind substance of the brand. (Hoskisson, Michael, Duane Harrison, 2012). Web based life is the chosen advanced foundation of My Valuer, who alludes to the substance that is circulated with the assistance of versatile and online advances, to encourage the relational correspondence. The 4E system covers, helping clients in encountering the items and furnishing them with a chance to engage with the informal organization. Inside the components of the 4E system, internet based life is fundamentally material to get draw in with clients. According to 4E structure of internet based life and in endeavoring to draw in with the clients, My Valuer invests their energy in clarifying the focal points and item highlights, and they likewise start the clients to give them input. Experience clients through this component My Valuer give a chance, through which clients can without much of a stretch comprehend the organization and the equivalent is done through recordings, test trails, and client audit (Armstrong, Adam, Deneize Kotler, 2014). Potential clients visit the stores or sites, as such advertiser holds a chance to give best understanding to clients about the gave arrangements and advantages, alongside offer. Draw in clients My Valuer connects with the clients through their new offers and welcome them to visit the spots. My Valuer effectively utilizes internet based life, for example, Google+ and Facebook for imparting the new arrangements and offers, which can draw in the clients towards the property. Development Currently, My Valuer is extremely mainstream in New Zealand and has effectively snatched numerous clients. They offer different items to their clients like places of business, cafés, houses, alongside different offices inside the townships like games, unwinding, visits, and so forth. My Valuer additionally advance their items through their occasions which bolster them in driving the computerized and physical commitment (Kluyver, 2010). Situating the organization position itself as the top property Valuer and offer best rates to their clients (Sharp, 2010). Focusing on My Valuer focus at the inhabitants of New Zealand as their clients. Alongside them they additionally center around clients keen on getting the business property. My Valuer catches the internet based life channels through their illustrations just as copywriting post, which is preferred by crowds. Along these lines, they impart their message to general society. Showcasing Strategy timetable: References Armstrong, G., Adam, S., Deneize, S., Kotler, P. (2014). Standards of Marketing. Pearson Australia Grewal, D. (2016). Showcasing (fifth ed.). New York, NY: McGraw. Hoskisson, R. E., Michael, A., Duane, H. R., Harrison, J. S. (2012). Going after Advantage. Cengage Learning Kluyver, C. D. (2010). Essentials of Global Strategy: A Business Model Approach. Business Expert Press Ries. (2003). Situating: The Battle For Your Mind. McGraw-Hill Education (India) Pvt Limited Sharp, B. (2010). How Brands Grow: What Marketers Don't Know? OUP Australia New Zealand

Saturday, August 22, 2020

Business Regulation Simulation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Business Regulation Simulation - Essay Example The reenactment will be founded on the Legal Environment of Business Simulation UOP. the point of the paper is to distinguish and investigate the fundamental realities, guidelines, and legitimate issues which impact the organization and its partners. Likewise, the paper will cover hazard investigation and moral inquiries, and give potential answers for the difficult exist. The point of EPA rules is to advance better self-guideline of business. EPA rules and guidelines greatly affect dynamic procedure deciding course and systems of future development and advancement. EPA found that five years prior, Alumina disregarded natural guidelines and rules. As per commission results, PAH focus was over the standard. Subsequently, Alumina requested another test and got a decent record of consistence. But this case, the organization carefully adheres to ecological guidelines and guidelines. This antagonistic method of business-government connections in the administrative field can be adjusted to a progressively agreeable, less angry mode through positive collaboration between consistence authorities from people in general and the private parts. The focal topic of intuitive corporate consistence is the support of successful consistence frameworks inside every business in order to guarantee that the motivations behind open strategy are reflected in the inward tasks of American organizations - not just through the dangers of authorization endeavors for resistance, yet in addition through the constructive outcomes of acknowledgment of the commitments to make corporate practices square with the prerequisites of open arrangement. Intentional consistence can be made agreeable, and even beneficial, in a viable plan of intelligent consistence (Hildreth 2007; US. EPA 2006). The Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) is another significant issue in reenactment. Among most FOIA officials, the people who process the solicitations and approve the exposures, there is, truth be told, a veritable regard for the FOIA. This demonstration was marked by Even Lyndon Johnson in 1966. Following this Act, Alumina asked the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to reveal the data concerning their spill five years back. Nobody, in or out of government, can deny the abusive deferrals in office reaction to FOIA demands, however this changes from office to organization and is frequently because of the refusal of the official branch to give satisfactory financing and staffing to its FOIA areas. Without a doubt, there is significant proof that the vocation experts regulating the execution of the FOIA in government organizations have, generally, acknowledged the guideline of the open's entitlement to know (Richter, 2002). Another significant factor secured by the investigation is the U.S Environmental Protection Agency Compliance Incentives and Auditing strategy. The point of this technique is to distinguish all parts of its creation, stockpiling, and transportation tasks, dissecting its administration frameworks, and different frameworks intended to dodge, forestall, or relieve spills. To an ever increasing extent, singular residents all through the nation are choosing to compensate what they see as great organizations with support, backing, and positive attitude and to advise the exploitative or untrustworthy companies to take care of business or lose their business. This is getting especially apparent in the regions of nature and general wellbeing. Kelly

Tuesday, August 11, 2020

Last night in Haiti

Last night in Haiti Its hard to know exactly how Im feeling on our last night here in Haiti, but Ill do my best to try to summarize. We just got back from a night of live music, dancing, and some pretty funky Haitian food, and though my feet are aching and my vocal chords nearly destroyed and I really didnt eat all that much, I feel so full of everything thats happened over the last week. I have so much to say and so much to remember, but I just wanted to capture this feeling for now before I fill in the details later (with photos and videos, so itll be much more interesting than just me blabbering on in plain text for pages. Sorry about that. Something about being in a country where nobody has electricity or regular access to running water just makes bandwidth kinda slow, you know?) Tonight we drove through the city at the latest wed ever been out here weve been making a point to get back before dark, since some of our professors were concerned about safety and saw the city in a whole different light. The majority of people here dont have electricity at night or at all, so even more people come out than during the day (if its possible) after dark to huddle around the one light bulb, or one candle, at one store on the corner. Its such a common pattern that when you look out over the city, instead of seeing wide windows filled with electric light, you see dots everywhere, as if youre looking at the stars but against a city, not a sky. It was so incredible that Amritaa 10 and I both stared out the window in awe, agreeing that even though we both considered ourselves decently well traveled wed never seen anything like it before. Tonight is also our last night in Haiti. The last few days were all such a blur I got pretty sick yesterday, so I wasnt able to write or go anywhere or stay conscious, really but our project actually came together, and we were able to coordinate with four different NGOs. We spent all of today training representatives from International Action, a physician who runs two HIV/AIDS clinics that in total see over 2,000 patients a day, and the German Federal Agency for Technical Relief on how to use our kits before leaving them here in Haiti, after sitting in on meetings with NGOs and NPOs and government organizations and soaking in as much as possible as we could about the current state of water quality in Haiti. And somehow, it all came together. We also heard so many stories. We listened to our professors cousins husband tell us that he and his seven colleagues had been in a meeting when they slid four stories down to the ground, and then he walked a half hour home only to find that his wife wasnt there. (She came back two hours later, but for those horrible two hours he had no way of knowing she was safe.) We heard a student tell us about how hed had to wait for hours under the collapsed remains of a building until someone came with an ice pick and dug him out of the destruction. We listened to the president of the state university of Haiti describe how he pulled his father out of the rubble, but his mother wasnt so lucky. His wife, my mother, died in the earthquake. They were married for sixty-five years, and it was over in thirty seconds. Its been an overwhelming week, filled with sorrow and enlightenment and the realization that there is so much more that needs to be done, so much that needs to be changed, that wont get done any time in the near future. Its been something I still cant describe, after writing all this just now, and something that I will never forget. Tomorrow well leave Haiti, and this part of our project will end, but I fully intend to continue working with our partners here in Port-Au-Prince when we get back to Boston. Tomorrow well leave, but the street vendors will still be selling mangoes by the dozen and the tap-taps will still be screaming through the unpaved streets and the people will still come out at night to see by the light of one little light bulb. Maybe it only takes one.

Saturday, May 23, 2020

The Power Of God By Minnie And Juliet - 1713 Words

Her hard working frame would continue to serve her throughout her days. She was married to the love of her life, but he was not as lovely to her. He was hostage to the bondages of generational curses and spent most of his money on alcohol and women. Cassandra’s father would walk in his father’s steps who walked in his father’s steps. The power of God was so evident in Minnie’s life that her husband was afraid of her. According to her daughter, Hamp raised his hand one time to hit her in a drunken stupor. The Pearl retaliated by picking up a logging chain weighing in as much as she did and hurled it at her husband. He could have snapped her like a twig, but he was afraid she would scalp him in his sleep. It was the only time he†¦show more content†¦He could not deny the truth which caused my grandmother to never ask God again where her husband was spending his time or money. This information would never come from the lips of Cass’s grandmother since it was one of the most difficult truths to disclose, but God character shines bright like a diamond in the life of her Granny as she deals with a disrespectful spouse. To make matters worse, her grandfather sires another child outside the bonds of matrimony. Minnie Pearl knew about the daughter and would have raised her with the same amount of love she gave to her own children. She had biblical justification to put him away, but she chose to love him in spite of his many failures. Her love was unconditional and her commitment to love him for better or worse was proven with each opportunity she took to make a better life for herself and her children. She was not a passive aggressive woman, a rebel, or a mean spirited individual. She was a Hosea and learned the meaning of the word love as she lived and died by its true giver. As a young mother, she knew the pain of losing a child. She and Hamp buried four of their babies. She would outlive a couple of her adult children, forcing her to feel even more pain and heartbreak without her husband at her side to comfort and console her. She told Cass how unnatural it was to live longer than your offspring and began to cry as she watched the undertaker lowerShow MoreRelatedNoughts and Crosses14387 Words   |  58 Pagesparents talking of divorce. She decides not to invite Callum to her party. Callum’s sister Lynette expresses extreme pessimism when she talks with him, but he does not want to accept her view of life. Meanwhile, Sephy gains some comfort from her sister, Minnie, who is more worldly wise than the naà ¯ve Sephy. Chapters 34–42 Callum tries to defend himself when he gains low marks for his work with Mr Jason. Callum reveals that he knows Jason is half-nought, and Jason is furious. At home, Jude’s anger

Tuesday, May 12, 2020

The Image Of God By Thomas Aquinas - 1088 Words

This article had several themes that revolved around the topic of the image of God. There were two major themes that were seen in this article. The first is defining the image of God and where it can be found in an individual. The second major theme is the fall and how it effects the image of God. These themes are discussed by various philosophers and theologians throughout history. Definition of the Image of God The first theme looks at various views on the image of God and where it can be found in humans. All the philosophers and theologians in the article agreed that we are created in the image of God, but they had varying view on the definition and location of God’s image. Ireaneus, believed that individuals have not only the image of God but also the likeness of God, he viewed them as separate entities. He thought that the image of God was man’s nature as a rational and free being. Thomas Aquinas, also saw God’s images and being man’s rationality. He thought God’s image could be seen in humans through their intellect and ability to think rationally. John Calvin had a slightly different view on this idea. He believed that God’s image was found in one’s heart and mind, basically that it could be seen through man’s integrity and uprightness of the heart. Karl Barth had a very different view on the image of God. He saw it as a confrontational relationship between man and God, â€Å"God is a being who confronts us and enters into an I-thou relationship with us†Show MoreRelatedThe Italian Kingdom Of Sicily1363 Words   |  6 PagesMedieval period witnessed the rise of the religious movement which was lead by Thomas Aquinas who invented the Thomistic way of thought which was based around Medieval scholasticism. He revolutionized the catholic church beginning in 1245 when he moved to Paris and studied under Albertus the Great. I am a monk who studies in a monastery similar to one that Thomas Aquinas studied in his earlier years. I, like Aquinas, was originally a Benedictine monk who realized the wrongs associated with livingRead MoreThe Natural Law Theory Essay examples1037 Words   |  5 Pagesespecially a life lived in God’s image. God’s presence is a guiding factor to obtaining a moral and virtuous life, which can only be obtained by following the natural law theory. God created a set of laws as a supreme guide for humans to live life, like any law these laws were created to ensure wellbeing for everyone. The laws he created are the civil law, the natural law and the divine law God created them from a law much superior than the rest, one which only God himself has the knowledge of, theRead MoreThomas Aquinas : The Nature Of The Body951 Words   |  4 PagesThomas Aquinas makes the argument that the soul is not a body and expresses that it is part of the body itself. The mind is aware of the soul and to attempt to find the nature of the soul, he must premise that the soul is the first principle of life of animate and inanimate things. Life can be shown by both knowledge and movement. The soul is not a body but the first principle and act of a body, like the principle of seeing are the eyes. Aquinas is not a substance dualist like Descartes even thoughRead MoreWhen Diving Into Sacred Doctrina1243 Words   |  5 Pagesdoctrina, Aquinas explains sacred doctrina as the science of God and how His creation related back to him. In order to study sacred doctrina, one can either look at the causes first and make sense of what follows or he can look to the effects in order to draw conclusions about the cause. The latter is the method of St. Thomas Aquinas in explaining sacred doctrine in his Summa Theologiae. Aquinas looks to creation in order to make conclusions about the Creator. In order to discus what God is, Aquinas looksRead More A Philosophical Criticism of Augustine and Aquinas Essay1548 Words   |  7 PagesA Philosophical Criticism of Augustine and Aquinas: The Relationship of Soul and Body       The relationship of the human soul and physical body is a topic that has mystified philosophers, scholars, scientists, and mankind as a whole for centuries. Human beings, who are always concerned about their place as individuals in this world, have attempted to determine the precise nature or state of the physical form. They are concerned for their well-being in this earthly environment, as well as theirRead MoreMuhammad Ali Once Said, â€Å"Friendship Is The Hardest Thing1411 Words   |  6 Pagesexactly what Thomas Aquinas aims to define through his philosophy. He establishes that although it may be the hardest thing in the world to explain, it is crucial for us to be able to explain what it means to have friendship. Through his ideas illustrated within Question 23 and Question 27, Thomas Aquinas would define the relationship between Achilles and Patroclus from Homer’s The Iliad as a charitable and virtuous friendship based off of the actions and intentions. Thomas Aquinas, a DominicanRead MoreThe s Ontological Proof For The Existence Of God Essay1134 Words   |  5 Pages In his Proslogion, written in 1077-1078, St. Anselm of Canterbury, introduced the first formulation of his ontological proof for the existence of God. In an effort to gain a deeper knowledge and acquaintance with his creator, Anselm set out to logically deduce God’s existence from the very definition of God. In the Proslogion he writes, â€Å"God is that which a greater cannot be thought. Whoever understands this properly, understands that this being exists in such a way that he cannot, even in thoughtRead MoreProposed Seven Philosophers On The Existence Of God And Their Development Of These Ideas1413 Words   |  6 Pagesfollows: (1) Socrates, (2) Plato, (3) Aristotle, (4) Francis Bacon, (5) St. Augustine, (6) Thomas Aquinas, and (7) Rene DesCartes. The specific three I want to focus on being; St. Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and Rene Descartes. Lastly, I wil l proceed to relate their ideas on the existence of God and their development of these ideas. St. Augustine s epistemology is rationalization. In his argument for the existence of God, he is referring to varying degrees of perfection otherwise know as, an OntologicalRead MoreThe Book On Evil By Thomas Aquinas1264 Words   |  6 Pagesby Thomas Aquinas, the topic of evil is believed to be a broad subject that cannot be stated in one opinion, but a variety. Aquinas goes on with the idea that evil is not a result of God and cannot be considered as an entity. Aquinas also believes that God, who is perfectly good, is the creator of all things and that God cannot be thought of as causing sin and suffering. In this paper, I will argue against Aquinas’ views on why God is not the cause of evil, why evil is not an entity, why God isn’tRead MoreSaint Thomas Aquinas As A Man With An Unearthly Intellect Essay2366 Words   |  10 PagesTorrell Review Saint Thomas Aquinas is known by most as a man with an unearthly intellect. Throughout his brilliant life, he produced many works that have helped defend the Catholic church’s position against many atheistic arguments, specifically materialism. Because of his gifted intellect, at times, many may fail to recognize that in order for one to have such gifts, there needs to be a desire and firm commitment in their spiritual life to submit to the will of God. In Jean-Pierre Torrell’s proclamation

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Science Free Essays

Science Free Essays A HISTORY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN THE PHILIPPINES* by Olivia C. Caoili** Introduction The need to develop a country’s science and technology has generally been recognized as one of the imperatives of socioeconomic progress in the contemporary world. This has become a widespread concern of governments especially since the post world war II years. We will write a custom essay sample on Science or any similar topic only for you Order Now (1) Among Third World countries, an important dimension of this concern is the problem of dependence in science and technology as this is closely tied up with the integrity of their political sovereignty and economic self-reliance. There exists a continuing imbalance between scientific and technological development among contemporary states with 98 per cent of all research and development facilities located in developed countries and almost wholly concerned with the latter’s problems. (2) Dependence or autonomy in science and technology has been a salient issue in conferences sponsored by the United Nations. (3) _______________________ Paper prepared for the University of the Philippines Science Research Foundation in connection with its project on â€Å"Analysis of Conditions for National Scientific and Technological Self-Reliance: The Philippine Situation,† June 1986. **Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy. University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City. (1) For a brief summary of the evolution of government oncern for the development of science and technology, see Olivia C. Caoili, Dimensions of Science Policy and National Develo pment: The Philippine Experience, Monograph Series No. 1 (College, Laguna: Center for Policy and Development Studies, University of the Philippines at Los Banos, October 1982), pp. 4-34. (2) Guy B. Gresford and Bertrand H. Chatel, â€Å"Science and Technology in the United Nations,† World Development, Vol. II No. 1 (January 1974), p. 44. 3) See, for example, UNESCO, Science and Technology in Asian Development: Conference and Application of Science and Technology to the Development of Asia, New Delhi, August 1968 (Paris: UNESCO, 1970); United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, Vienna, Austria, 1979, in Nature, Vol. 280 (16 August 1979), pp. 525-532. It is within the above context that this paper attempts to examine the history of science and technology in the Philippines. Rather than focusing simply on a straight chronology of events, it seeks to interpret and analyze the interdependent effects of geography, colonial trade, economic and educational policies and socio-cultural factors in shaping the evolution of present Philippine science and technology. As used in this paper, science is concerned with the systematic understanding and explanation of the laws of nature. Scientific activity centers on research, the end result of which is the discovery or production of new knowledge. 4) This new knowledge may or may not have any direct or immediate application. In comparison, technology has often been understood as the â€Å"systematic knowledge of the industrial arts. â€Å"(5) As this knowledge was implemented by means of techniques, technology has become commonly taken to mean both the knowledge and the means of its utilization, that is, â€Å"a body, of knowledge about techniques. â€Å"(6) Modern technology also involves systematic research but i ts outcome is more concrete than science, i. e. the production of â€Å"a thing, a chemical, a process, something to be bought and sold. (7) In the past, science and technology developed separately, with the latter being largely a product of trial and error in response to a particular human need. In modern times, however, the progress of science and technology have become intimately linked together. Many scientific discoveries have been facilitated by the development of new technology. New scientific knowledge in turn has often led to further refinement of existing technology or the invention of entirely new ones. ____________________ (4) Jerome R. Ravetz, Scientific knowledge and Its Social Problems (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), chap. ; James B. Conant, Science and Common Sense (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1974), chap. 2; Bernard Dixon, What is Science For? (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), chap. 2: David Knight, The Nature of Science: The History of Science in Western Culture Since 1600 (London: Andre Deutsch, 1976), chaps. 1-2. (5) E. Layton, â€Å"Conditions of Technological Development,† in Ina Spiegel-Rosing and Derek de Solla Price, eds. , Science, Technology and Society, A Cross-Disciplinary Perspective (London and Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1977), p. 199. (6) C. Freeman, â€Å"Economics of Research and Development. in Rosing and Price, ibid. , p. 235. (7) Derek de Solla Price, Science Since Babylon (Enlarged ed. ; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), p. 125. Precolonial Science and Technology There is a very little reliable written information about Philippine society, culture and technology before the arrival of the Spaniards in 1521. (8) As such, one has to reconstruct a picture of this past using contemporary archaeological findings, accounts by early traders and foreign travelers, and the narratives about conditions in the archipelago which were written by the first Spanish missionaries and colonial official s. According to these sources, there were numerous, scattered, thriving, relatively self-sufficient and autonomous communities long before the Spaniards arrived. The early Filipinos had attained a generally simple level of technological development, compared with those of the Chinese and Japanese, but this was sufficient for their needs at that period of time. Archaeological findings indicate that modern men (homo sapiens) from the Asian mainland first came over-land and across narrow channels to live in Palawan and Batangas around 50,000 years ago. For about 40,000 years, they made simple tools or weapons of stone flakes but eventually developed techniques for sawing, drilling and polishing hard stones. These Stone Age inhabitants, subsequently formed settlements in the major Philippine islands such as Sulu, Mindanao (Zamboanga, and Davao), Negros, Samar, Luzon (Batangas, Laguna, Rizal, Bulacan and the Cagayan region). By about 3,000 B. C. , they were producing adzes ornaments of seashells and pottery of various designs. The manufacture of pottery subsequently became well developed and flourished for about 2,000 years until it came into competition with imported Chinese porcelain. Thus over time pottery making declined. What has survived of this ancient technology is the lowest level, i. e. , the present manufacture of the ordinary cooking pot among several local communities. (9) Gradually, the early Filipinos learned to make metal tools and implements — copper, gold, bronze and, later, iron. The iron age is considered to have lasted from the second or third century B. C. o the tenth century A. D. Excavations of Philippine graves and work sites have yielded iron slags. These suggest ________________ (8) William Henry Scott in Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (Rev. ed. ; Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1984), asserts that there are only two authentic medieval Chinese accounts about prehispanic Philippines. He points out questionable documents which have been the basis for information about this period and which were popularized in Philippines History textbooks, including theories that have been mistaken for facts. Cf. Otley Beyer, â€Å"The Philippines before Magellan,† and Robert B. Fox, â€Å"The Philippines in Prehistoric Times,† in readings in Philippine Prehistory (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1979), Second Series, Vol. I, pp. 8-34; 35-61. (9) Scott, op. cit. , pp. 20-22. that Filipinos during this period engaged in the actual extraction of iron from ore, smelting and refining. But it appears that the iron industry, like the manufacture of pottery, did not survive the competition with imported cast iron from Sarawak and much later, from China. (10) By the first century A. D. Filipinos were weaving cotton, smelting iron, making pottery and glass ornaments and were also engaged in agriculture. Lowland rice was cultivated in diked fields, and in the interior mountain regions as in the Cordillera, in terraced fields which utilized spring water. (11) Filipinos had also learned to build boats for the coastal trade. By the tenth century A. D. , this had become a highly developed technology. In fact, the early Spanish chroniclers took note of the refined plank-built warship called caracoa. These boats were well suited for inter-island trade raids. The Spaniards later utilized Filipino expertise in boat-building and seamanship to fight the raiding Dutch, Portuguese, Muslims and the Chinese pirate Limahong as well as to build and man the galleons that sailed to Mexico. (12) By the tenth century A. D. , the inhabitants of Butuan were trading with Champa (Vietnam); those of Ma-i (Mindoro) with China. Chinese records with have now been translated contain a lot of references to the Philippines. These indicate that regular trade relations between the two countries had been well established during the tenth to the fifteenth centuries. Archaeological findings (in various parts of the archipelago) of Chinese porcelains made during this period support this contention. From the Sung (960-1278) and Yuan (1260-1368) Dynasties, there are descriptions of trade with the Philippines, and from the Sung and Ming (1360-1644) Dynasties there are notices of Filipino missions to Peking. (13) ____________________ (10) Ibid. , pp. 18-19. (11) Ibid. , pp. 136-137; Fox. op. cit. , pp. 49-50. (12) Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, first published in 1609, trans. nd ed. by J. S. Cummins (Cambridge: Published for the Hakluyt Society at Cambridge University Press, 1971), pp. 252-253; Francisco Colin, Labor Evangelica (1663) in Horacio de la Costa, S. J. , Readings in Philippine History (Manila: Bookmark, 1965), p. 9; William Henry Scott, â€Å"Boat-Building and Seamanship in Classic Philippine Society,† in Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and Other Essays in Philippine History (Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1982) , pp. 60-96. (13) See Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ , chap. ; Berthold Laufer, â€Å"The Relations of the Chinese to the Philippines,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 142-177; Austin Craig, â€Å"A Thousand Years of Philippine History Before the Coming of the Spaniards,† in ibid. , pp. 128-141. The most frequently cited Chinese account in Philippine history textbooks is that of Chao Ju-Kua in 1225. He described the communities and trading activities in the islands of Ma-i (Mindoro) and San-hsu (literally three islands which present-day historians think refer to the group of Palawan and Calamian Islands). 14) The people of Ma-i and San-hsu traded beeswax, cotton, true pearls, tortoise shell, medicinal betelnuts, yu-ta cloth (probably jute or ramie? ) and coconut heart mats for Chinese porcelain, iron pots, lead fishnet sinkers, colored glass beads, iron needles and tin. These were practically the same commodities of trade between the islands and C hina which the first Spanish colonial officials recorded when they came to the Philippines more than two centuries later. (15) The Filipinos in Mindanao and Sulu traded with Borneo, Malacca and parts of the Malay peninsula. This trade seems to have antedated those with the Chinese. By the time the Spaniards reached the archipelago, these trade relations had been firmly established such that the alliance between the rulers of manila and Brunei had become strengthened by marriage. It was through these contacts that Hindu-Buddhist, Malay-Sanskrit and Arab-Muslim Cultural and technological influences spread to the Philippines. There have also been some references (by early travelers during the precolonial period) to trade relations between Japan and the Philippines. To date however, Philippine historians have not found any prehispanic references to the Philippines in Japanese literature of the period. (16) __________________ (14) Chao Ju-Kua was a Superintendent of maritime Trade in Ch’uanchow, Fukien province, when he wrote his Chu Fan Chih (An Account of the Various Barbarians) in 1225. Scott, in Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ pp. 66-70 has a translation of this account. See also â€Å"Chao Ju-Kua’s description of the Philippines in the Thirteenth Century,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 94-196; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 9-11. (15) See Antonio Pigafetta, First Voyage Around the World and Maximilianus Transylvanus, De Maluccis Insulis (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1969), passim; excerpts of accounts by Garcia Escalante de Alvarado in 1548 and Rodrigo de Espinosa in 1564, in de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 12-13; â€Å"Relation of the Voyage to Luzon,† (1570) in The Colonization and Conquest of the Ph ilippines by Spain, Some contemporary Source Documents, 1559-1577 (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1965), pp. 160-178. 16) Antonio M. Regidor y Jurado and J. Warren T. Mason (in Commercial Progress in the Philippine Islands, published in London, 1905, and reprinted in Manila by the American Chamber of Commerce of the Philippine Islands, 1925, pp. 8-11), claim that the Japanese not only traded and lived in different parts of the Philippines before the Spaniards arrived, they also taught the Filipinos the art of working in metals, weaving, gold-mining, furniture making, duck-raising and fish-breeding for export. Scott (in Prehispanic Source Materials†¦ pp. 78-79) doubts the authenticity of these reports as research on Japanese literature during this period has yielded no references to prehispanic Philippines. By the time the Spaniards came to colonies the Philippines in 1565, they found many scattered, autonomous village communities (called barangays) all over the archipelago. Th ese were kinship groups or social units rather than political units. They were essentially subsistence economies producing mainly what they needed. These communities exhibited uneven technological development. Settlements along the coastal areas which had been exposed to foreign trade and cultural contacts such as Manila, Mindoro, Cebu, Southern Mindanao and Sulu, seem to have attained a more sophisticated technology. In 1570, for example, the Spaniards found the town of Mindoro â€Å"fortified by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick,† and defended by armed Moros — â€Å"bowmen, lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. † There were a â€Å"large number of culverins† all along the hillside of the town. They found Manila similarly defended by a palisade along its front with pieces of artillery at its gate. The house of Raja Soliman (which was burned down by Spaniards) reportedly contained valuable articles of trade — â€Å"money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets, wax, cotton and wooden vats full of brandy. † Next to his house was a storehouse which contained: much iron and copper; as well as culverins and cannons which had melted. Some small and large cannon had just begun. There were the clay and wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long, resembling a culverin†¦ (17) These reports indicate that the Filipinos in Manila had learned to make and use modern artillery. The Spanish colonizers noted that all over the islands, Filipinos were growing rice, vegetables and cotton; raising swine, goats and fowls; making wine, vinegar and salt; weaving cloth and producing beeswax and honey. The Filipinos were also mining gold in such places as Panay, Mindoro and Bicol. They wore colorful clothes, made their own gold jewelry and even filled their teeth with gold. Their houses were made of wood or bamboo and nipa. They had their own system of writing,(18) and weights and measures. Some communities had become renowned for their plank-built boats. They had no calendar but counted the years by moons and from one harvest to another. In the interior and mountain settlements, many Filipinos were still living as hunters. They gathered forest products to trade with the lowland and coastal settlements. But they also made ______________________ (17) â€Å"Relation of the Voyage to Luzon,† (1570), op. cit. , pp. 163, 176-177. (18) Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials. pp. 52-62. _ â€Å"iron lance-points, daggers and certain small tools used in transplanting. â€Å"(19) On the whole, the pre-colonial Filipinos were still highly superstitious. The Spaniards found no temples or places of worship. Although the Filipinos knew how to read and write in their own system, this was mainly used for messages and letters. They seem not to have developed a written literary tradition at that time. (20) This would have led to a more systematic accumulation and dissemination of knowledge, a condition that is necessary for the development of science and technology. Because of the abundance of natural resources, a benign environment and generally sparse population, there seemed to have been little pressure for invention and innovation among the early Filipinos. As governor Francisco de Sande observed in 1575, the Filipinos do not understand any kind of work, unless it be to do something actually necessary — such as to build their houses, which are made of stakes after their fashion; to fish, according to their method; to row, and perform the duties of sailors; and to cultivate the land†¦ (21) Developments in Science and Technology During the Spanish Regime The beginnings of modern science and technology in the Philippines can be traced to the Spanish regime. The Spaniards established schools, hospitals and started scientific research and these had important consequences for the rise of the country’s professions. But the direction and pace of development of science and technology were greatly shaped by the role of the religious orders in the conquest and colonization of the archipelago and by economic and trade adopted by the colonial government. _________________ (19) â€Å"Relation of Conquest of the Island of Luzon,† (1572) and â€Å"Relation of the Filipino Islands, by Francisco de Sande. (1575), in The Colonization and Conquest of the Philippines by Spain. op. cit. , pp. 190-210; 292-33; â€Å"Relation of the Philippine Islands by Miguel de Loarca,† (1575) and â€Å"Customs of the Tagalogs by Juan de Plascencia,† in Readings in Philippine Prehistory, pp. 197-220; 221-234. (20) The Code of Kalantiao and Maragtas Code which have been taught by historians as precious prehispanic documents were recently shown to have been fabricated much later. See Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials, Chaps. 4-5. (21) â€Å"Relation of the Filipino Islands, by Francisco de Sande,† (1575), op. it. , p. 313. The interaction of these forces and the resulting socio-economic and political changes must, therefore, be analyzed in presenting a history of science and technology in the Philippines. Spanish conquest and the colonization of the archipelago was greatly facilitated by the adoption of an essentially religious strategy which had earlier been successfully used in Latin America. Known as reduccion, it required the consolidation of the far-flung, scattered barangay communities into fewer, larger and more compact settlements within the hearing distance of the church bells. This was a necessary response to the initial shortage of Spanish missionaries in the Philippines. This policy was carried out by a combination of religious conversion and military force. The net result of reduccion was the creation of towns and the foundation of the present system of local government. The precolonial ruling class, the datus and their hereditary successors, were adopted by the Spanish colonial government into this new system to serve as the heads of the lowest level of local government; i. e. as cabezas de barangay. The colonial authorities found the new set-up expeditious for establishing centralized political control over the archipelago — for the imposition and collection of the tribute tax, enforcement of compulsory labor services among the native Filipinos, and implementation of the compulsory sale of local products to the government. The Filipinos naturally resisted reduccion as it took them away from their rice fields, the streams and the forests which were their traditional sources of livelihood and also subjected them to the onerous economic exactions by the colonial government. Thus the first century of Spanish rule brought about serious socio-economic dislocation and a decline kin agricultural production and traditional crafts in many places. In the region surrounding the walled city of Manila, Filipinos migrated from their barangays to the city in order to serve in the convents and thus avoid the compulsory labor services in the shipyards and forests. (22) Over the centuries, this population movement would greatly contribute to the congestion of Manila and its suburbs. The religious orders likewise played a major role in the establishment of the colonial educational system in the Philippines. They also influenced the development of technology and promotion of scientific research. hence, these roles must next be examined. —————— (22) On the consequences of reduccion, tributes and forced labor services, see John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines, Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700 (Madison: The Univesity of Wisconsin, 1959), chaps. IV, VII-IX; Nicholas P. Cushner, S. J. , Spain in the Philippines; from Conquest to Revolution (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University, Institute of Philippine Culture, 1971), chaps. 4-5; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 35-37. Various decrees were issued in Spain calling for the establishment of a school system in the colony but these were not effectively carried out. (23) Primary instruction during the Spanish regime was generally taken care of by the missionaries and parish priests in the villages and towns. Owing to the dearth of qualified teachers, textbooks and other instructional materials, primary instruction was mainly religious education. Higher education was provided by schools set up by the different religious orders in the urban centers, most of them in Manila. For example, the Jesuits founded in Cebu City the Colegio de San Ildefonso (1595) and in Manila, the Colegio de San Ignacio (1595), the Colegio de San Jose (1601) and the Ateneo de Manila (1859). The Dominicans had the Colegio de San Juan de Letran (1640) in Manila. 24) Access to these schools was, however, limited to the elite of the colonial society — the European-born and local Spaniards, the mestizos and a few native Filipinos. Courses leading to the B. A. degree, Bachiller en Artes, were given which by the nineteenth century included science subjects such as physics, chemistry, natural history and mathematics. (25) On the whole, however, higher education was pursued for the priesthood or for clerical position s in the colonial administration. It was only during the latter part of the nineteenth century that technical/vocational schools were established by the Spaniards. (26) ——————– (23) Henry Frederick Fox, â€Å"Primary Education in the Philippines, 1565-1862,† Philippine Studies, Vol. 13 (1965), pp. 207-231, Encarnacion Alzona, A History of Education in the Philippines, 1565-1930 (1st ed. ; Manila: University of the Philippines Press, 1932), pp. 20-23, 46-52; Eliodoro G. Robles, The Philippines in the Nineteenth Century (Quezon City: Malaya Books Inc. 1969), pp. 219-229; J. Mallat, â€Å"Educational Institutions and Conditions,† (1846), in Emma H. Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands 1493-1898 (Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Co. , 1906), Vol. XLV, pp. 263-278. (24) The Colegio de San Ildefonso grew to become the present University of San Carlos in Cebu City. It was taken over by the Society of the Divine Word in 1933 and continu es to be administered by this Order. The Colegio de San Ignacio prospered and was elevated to the rank of a royal and pontifical university in 1621. It was closed when the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines on 17 May 1768 by a royal decree of Charles III. The Colegio de San Jose was seized by the Crown upon the expulsion of the jesuits and later became the medical and pharmacy departments of the University of Santo Tomas. The Ateneo de manila is now a University run by the Jesuits. Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 24-29; Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 101-140. (25) The B. A. then was more equivalent to the present high school diploma. 26) The first school of arts and trades was founded in the province of Pampanga and a school of agriculture was opened in Manila in 1889. See Alzon, op. cit. , pp. 43-46; 156-164. Throughout the Spanish regime, the royal and pontifical University of Santo Tomas remained as the highest institution of learning. (27) Run by the Dominicans, it was established as a college in 1611 by Fray Miguel de Benavides. it initially granted degrees in theology, philosophy and humanities. (28) During th e eighteenth century, the faculty of jurisprudence and canonical law was established. In 1871, the schools of medicine and pharmacy were opened. From 1871 to 1886, the University of Snato Tomas granted the degree of Licenciado en Medicina to 62 graduates. (29) For the doctorate degree in medicine, at least an additonal year of study was required at the Universidad Central de Madrid in Spain. The study of pharmacy consisted of a preparatory course with subjects in natural history and general chemistry and five years of studies in subjects such as pharmaceutical operations at the school of pharmacy. At the end of this period of the degree of Bachiller en Farmacia was granted. The degree of licentiate in pharmacy, which was equivalent to a master’s degree, was granted after two years of practice in a pharmacy, one lof which could be taken simultaneously with the academic courses after the second year course of study. In 1876, the university granted the bachelor’s degree in pharmacy to its first six graduates in the school of pharmacy. Among them was Leon Ma. Guerrero, who is usually referred to as the â€Å"Father of Philippine Pharmacy† becuase of his extensive work on the medicinal plants of the Philippines and their uses. 30) The total number of graduates in pharmacy during the Spanish period was 164. (31). ——————– (27) There was a Royal University of San Felipe established in Manila by a royal decree of 1707. It remained open until 1726 when its work was taken over by the Jesuit University of San Ignacio which was closed in 1768. See ibid. , p. 31. (28) The following brief history of the University of Sto. Tomas is based on an account written by Fray E. Arias, reproduced in United States Bureau of the Census, Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, Vol. III (Washington, D. C. : Government Printing Office, 1905), pp. 621-631; Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 141-169. (29) Arias, op. cit. , p. 631. (30) His works included Medicinal Plants of the Philippine Islands, published in 1903 and Medicinal Uses of Philippine Plants, published in 1921. See Miguel Ma. Valera, S. J. et al. , Scientists in the Philippines (Bicutan, Taguig, Rizal: National Science Development Board, 1974), pp. 95-114. (31) Milagros G. Nino, â€Å"Pharmaceutical Education in the Philippines,† UNITAS, Vol. 3 (JUNE 1970), p. 73. There were no schools offering engineering at that time. The few who studied engineering had to go to Europe. There was a Nautical School created on 1 January 1820 which offered a four-year course of study (for the profession of pilot of merchant marine) that included subjects as arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, physics, hydrography, meteorology, navigation and pilotage. (32) A School of Commercial Accounting and a School of French and English Languages were established in 1839. (33) In 1887, the Manila School of Agriculture was created by royal decree but it was able to open only in July 1889. The School was designed to provide theoretical and practical education of skilled farmers and overseers and to promote agricultural development in the Philippines by means of observation, experiment and investigation. Agricultural stations were also established in Isabela, Ilocos, Albay, Cebu, Iloilo, Leyte and parts of Mindanao. The professors in the School were agricultural engineers. The School was financed by the government but it appears that its direction was also left to the priests. The certificates of completion of the course were awarded by the university of Santo Tomas or the Ateneo Municipal. It seems that the School was not successful as Filipinos did not show much inclination for industrial pursuits. (34) In 1863, the colonial authorities issued a royal decree designed to reform the existing educational system in the country. It provided for the establishment of a system of elementary, secondary and collegiate schools, teacher-training schools, and called for government supervision of these schools. The full implementation of this decree, however, was interrupted by the coming of the Americans in 1898. Higher education during the Spanish regime was generally viewed with suspicion and feared by the colonial authorities as encouraging conspiracy and rebellion among the native Filipinos. For this reason, only the more daring and persevering students were able to undertake advantaged studies. The attitude of the Spanish friars towards the study of the sciences and medicine was even more discouraging. As one Rector of he Univesity of Santo Tomas in the 1960s said: â€Å"Medicine and the natural sciences are ——————- (32) Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 241-243. (33) Census of the Philippine Islands, 1903, op. cit. , pp. 613-615. (34) â€Å"School of Agriculture,† in Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. XLV, pp. 315-318. The required course of study included subjects such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, natural history , agriculture, topography, linear and topography drawing, etc. as well as practical work. materialistic and impious studies. (35) It was not surprising, therefore, that few Filipinos ventured to study these disciplines. Those who did were poorly trained when compared with those who had gone to European universities. Science courses at the University of Santo Tomas were taught by the lecture/recitation method. Laboratory equipment was limited and only displayed for visitors to see. There was little or no training in scientific research. (36) Sir John Bowring, the British Governor of Hongkong who made an official visit to the Philippines in the 1850s wrote: Public instruction is in an unsatisfactory state in the Philippines–the provisions are little changed from those of the monkish ages. In the University of Santo Tomas†¦ no attention is given to the natural sciences†¦ nor have any of the educational reforms which have penetrated most of the colleges of Europe and America found their way to the Philippines. (37) In spite of the small number of Filipino graduates from the UST in medicine and the sciences they still faced the problem of unemployment. This was because the colonial government preferred to appoint Spanish and other European-trained professionals to ——————— (35) Quoted in James A. Le Roy, Philippine Life in Town and Country (New York and London: G. P. Butnam’s Sons, 1905) p. 206. (36) This can be seen from a description of a physics class at the University of Santo Tomas by Jose Rizal in a chapter of his second novel, El Filibusterismo (The Subversive) written in Europe in 1891. At the start of the American regime, a German physician of Manila submitted a report to the authorities on the conditions at UST’s medical college. The report mentions, among others, its lack of library facilities, the use of outdated textbooks (some published in 1845), that no female cadaver had ever been dissected and the anatomy course was a â€Å"farce†, that most graduates â€Å"never had attended even one case of confinement or seen a case of laparotomy† and that bacteriology had been introduced only since the American occupation and â€Å"was still taught without microscopes! † See Le Roy, op. cit. , pp. 205-206. (37) Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands (London: Smith Elder Co. 1858), p. 194. See also Robert MacMicking, Recollections of Manila and the Philippines during 1848, 1849, and 1850, ed. and annotated by Morton J. Netzorg (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1967, reprint of 1851 book published in London by Richard Bentley), pp. 31-32. available positions in the archipelago. (38) Many of these graduates later joined the revolutionary movement against Spain. With the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 and the consequent ease in travel and communications that it brought about, the liberal ideas nd scientific knowledge of the West also reached the Philippines. The prosperity that resulted from increased commerce between the Philippines and the rest of the world enabled Filipino students to go to Europe for professional advanced studies. These included Jose Rizal who was able to pursue studies in Medicine and specialize in ophthalmology in Spain and Germany; Graciano Apacible who studied medicine in Madrid; Antonio Luna who obtained his Ph. D. in pharmacy in Madrid and later worked with renowned scientists in Ghent and Paris; (39) Jose Alejandrino who took up engineering in Belgium, and others. It was this group of students which set up the Propaganda Movement in Europe that eventually led to the Philippine revolution against Spain. The religious orders provided most of the teaching force and institutions of learning in the colony. This was similar to the situation that had earlier prevailed in Europe (where they had come from) during the medieval ages. Inevitably, members of the religious orders also took the lead in technological innovation and scientific research. This involvement invariably arose from their need to provide for basic necessities as they went around the archipelago to perform their missionary work of propagating the Catholic faith and to finance the colleges, hospitals and orphanages that they had established. The Spaniards introduced the technology of town planning and building with stones, brick and tiles. In may places, the religious (such as Bishop Salazar in Manila) personally led in ——————– (38) Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 43-144, cited a memorial sent to the Madrid exposition in 1887 by officials of the University of Santo Tomas criticizing this government policy and urging its change â€Å"in order to prevent political disturbances which might be caused by the large number of dissatisfied professional men who could not find work. † See also Census of the Philippine Islands 1903, op. cit. , pp. 632-633. Apolinario Mabini wrote: â€Å"All the departments and provincial g overnments were staffed with peninsular Spaniards personnel unfamiliar with the country and relieved every time there was a cabinet change (in Madrid). Very few Filipinos secured employment as army officers, as officials in the civil administration, or as judges and prosecuting attorneys.. ,† See his The Philippine Revolution translated into English by Leon Ma. Guerrero (Manila: Department of Education. National Historical Commission, 1969), p. 27. (39) Vivencio R. Jose, The Rise and Fall of Antonio Luna. Special Issue of Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review. Vol. XXXVI, Nos. 1-4 (March-December 1971), pp. 43-48. these undertakings. 40) Because of the lack of skilled Filipinos in these occupations, the Spaniards had to import Chinese master builders, artisans and masons. The native Filipinos were drafted, through the institution of compulsory labor services, to work on these projects. In this manner, the construction of the walls of Manila, its churches, convents, hospitals, schools and public buildings were completed by the seventeenth century. (41) Towards the end of the sixteenth century, the religious orders ha d established several charity hospitals in the archipelago and in fact provided the bulk of this public service. These hospitals became the setting for rudimentary scientific work during the Spanish regime long before the establishment of the University of Santo Tomas (UST) college of medicine. Research in these institutions were confined to pharmacy and medicine and concentrated on the problems of infections diseases, their causes and possible remedies. (42) Several Spanish missionaries observed, catalogued and wrote about Philippine plants, particularly those with medicinal properties. The most notable of these was Father Fernando de Sta. Maria’s Manual de Medicinas Caseras published in 1763 which was so in demand that it had undergone several editions by 1885. (43) By the second half of the nineteenth century, studies of infectious diseases such as smallpox,(44) cholera, bubonic ——————– (40) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 28, 31-33. (41) For a description of Manila during this period, see Giovanni Francesco Gemlli Careri, A Voyage to the Philippines (originally published in London, 1744-46; reprinted in Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1963), Chap. . (42) Euologio B. Rodriguez, â€Å"Brief observations on Science in the Philippines in the Pre-American Era,† National Research Council of the Philippines Islands (NRCP), Annual Report, 1934-35, bulletin No. 43 (Manila: February 1935), pp. 84-128; J. P. Bantug, â€Å"The Beginnings of Medicine in the Philippines,† NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 4, pp. 227-246; Vicente Ferriols, â€Å"Early History of Veteri nary Science in the Philippine Islands,† NRCP, ibid. , pp. 334-337; M. V. del Rosario, â€Å"Chemistry in the Pre-American Regime,† NRCP, op. cit. bulletin No. 5, pp. 359-362. (43) Eduardo Quisumbing, â€Å"Development of Science in the Philippines,† Journal of East Asiatic Studies, Vol. VI, No. 2 (April 1957), p. 132. (44) As early as 1803, an edict was passed to control smallpox by introducing vaccination. In 1806, a Board of Vaccination was set up to take charge of the propagation and preservation of the virus against smallpox. See Hilario Lara, â€Å"Development of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (Public Health) in the Philippines,† NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 4, pp. 265-266. lague, dysentery, leprosy and malaria were intensified with the participation of graduates of medicine and pharmacy from UST. (45) At this time, native Filipinos began to participate in scientific research. In 1887, the Laboratorio Municipal de Ciudad de Manila was created by de cree. Its main functions were to conduct biochemical analyses for public health and to undertake specimen examinations for clinical and medico-legal cases. It had a publication called Cronica de Ciencias Medicas de Filipinas showing scientific studies being done during that time. 46) There was very little development in Philippine agriculture and industry during the first two centuries of Spanish rule. This was largely due to the dependence of the Spanish colonizers on the profits from the Galleon or Manila-Acapulco trade, which lasted from 1565 to 1813. It was actually based on the trade with China which antedated Spanish rule. (47) The galleons brought to Latin America Chinese goods — silk and other cloths, porcelain and the like — and brought back to Manila Mexican silver. When the Spanish and Portuguese thrones were united from 1581 to 1640, goods brought to Manila by ships from Japan and Portuguese ships from Siam, India, Malacca, Borneo and Cambodia were also carried by the galleons to Mexico. (48) During the this time, Manila prospered as the entrepot of the Orient. The Filipinos hardly benefited from the Galleon trade. Direct participation in the trade was limited to Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were given shares of lading space in the galleons. Many of them simply speculated on these trading rights and lived off on their profits. It was the Chinese who profited most from the trade. They acted as the trade’s packers, middlemen, retailers and also provided services and other skills ——————— (45) Specimens were usually submitted to pharmacists for examination. Thus drugstores, notably the Botica Boie and Botica de Santa Cruz in Manila, served as research laboratories as well as manufacturers of drugs and household remedies. See Patrocinio Valenzuela, â€Å"Pharmaceutical Research in the Philippines,† in NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. 5, pp. 404-406. (46) Anacleto del Rosario, one of the first graduates of pharmacy at UST, was appointed as the first director of the Laboratorio. He pioneered in bacteriological research, particularly in the search for causes of cholera, tuberculosis and leprosy and investigated the origin of beriberi which was one of the leading causes of death during that time. See Varela, et al. , op. cit. , pp. 173-189. 47) Fedor Jagor, Travels in the Philippines (Reprint of 1875 English ed. , (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, 1965), chap. 2; William, Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1959); Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, chap. 6. (48) Morga, op. cit. , pp. 287; 304-309. which the Spanish community in Intramuros needed. (49) Spanish preoccupation with the Manila Galleon eventually led to the neglect of agriculture and mining and the decline of native han dicrafts and industries in the Philippines. The deleterious effects of the trade on the archipelago’s domestic economy had been pointed out by some Spanish officials as early as 1592. (50) But this seems to have been largely ignored by colonial policy-makers. Only the local shipbuilding industry continued to prosper because of necessity — to build the galleons and other ships required for internal commerce and the defense of the archipelago. This had become quite well developed according to a French visitor in the nineteenth century. He observed: In many provinces shipbuilding is entirely in the hands of the natives. The excellence of their work is proof that they are perfectly capable of undertaking the study of abstruse sciences and that mathematical equations are by no means beyond their comprehension†¦. (51) Agricultural development was left to the resident Chinese and the Spanish friars. The latter saw in the cultivation of their large estates around Manila a steady source of financial support for their churches, colleges, hospitals and orphanages in Intramuros. The friar estates profited from the expanding domestic food market as a result of the population growth of Manila and its suburbs. (52) But the friars contribution in the development of existing agricultural technology was more of quantitative than qualitative in nature. (53) The profitability of their estates was largely derived from the intensive exploitation of native technology and their free compulsory personal services. ——————– (49) Ibid. , pp. 314-316; de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 39-41. (50) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 9-40; Morga, op. cit. , p. 310. (51) Jean Baptiste Mallat de Bassilan, Les Philippines (Paris: Arthus Bertrand, 1846), in de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 154-155. Mcmicking, op. cit. , pp. 264-266, has similar positive observations on shipbuilding during that time. (52) See Nicholas P. Cushner, The Landed Estates in the Colonial Philippines (Monograph Series No. 20; New Haven Conn: Yale University Southeast Asia Studi es, 1976). (53) Paul P. de la Gironiere, Twenty Years in the Philippine Islands (New York: Harper Bros. Publishers, 1854), pp. 306-307, has sketches showing the simple agricultural tools and implements still used during the mid-nineteenth century. Successive shipwrecks of and piratical attacks on the galleons to Mexico led to declining profits from the trade and triggered an economic depression in Manila during the latter part of the seventeenth century. (54) This situation was aggravated by increasing restrictions on the goods carried by the Manila Galleon as a consequence of opposition coming from Andalusion merchants and mercantilists in Spain. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Bourbon dynasty ascended to the Spanish throne and brought with it political and economic ideas of the French Enlightenment. This paved the way for more government attention to the economic development of the Philippines. Enterprising Spaniards began to exploit the mineral wealth of the islands, develop its agriculture, and establish industries. These efforts were further encouraged by the need to promote economic recovery after the British Occupation of Manila in 1762-1764. (55) Research in agriculture and industry was encouraged by the founding of the Real Sociedad Economica de los Amigos del Pais de Filipinas (Royal Economic Society of Friends of the Philippines) by Governador Jose Basco y Vargas under authority of a royal decree of 1780. Composed of private individuals and government officials, the Society functioned somewhat like the European learned societies during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and a modern National Research Council, (56) It undertook the promotion of the cultivation of indigo, cotton, cinnamon, and pepper and the development of the silk industry. During the nineteenth century, it was endowed with funds which it used to provide prizes for successful experiments and inventions for the improvement of agriculture and industry: to finance the publication of scientific and technical literature, trips of scientists from Spain to the Philippines, professorships; and to ——————– (54) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 106-107. (55) For accounts of those attmepts to promote mining and industrial development, see ibid. , pp. 107-114; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 186-194. 56) The Society’s early organization included sections of natural history, agriculture, and rural economy, factories and manufactures, industries and popular education. See Benito Legarda, Jr. , â€Å"Foreign Trade, Economic Change and Entrepreneurship in the Nineteenth Century Philippines† (Ph. D. dissertation submitted to the Department of Economics, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. , 1955), pp. 117- 119, 321-326; Patrocinio Valenzuela, â€Å"A Historical Review of Movements to Establish a Research Council of the Philippines, in NRCP, op. cit. , Bulletin No. , pp. 77-79; Blair and Robertson, op. cit, Vol. LII, pp. 289-324; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 194-195. provide scholarships to Filipinos. (57) In 1789, Manila was opened to Asian shipping. This inaugurated an era of increasing Philippine exports of rice, hemp, sugar, tobacco, indigo and others and rising imports of manufactured goods. (58) In 1814, Manila was officially opened to world trade and commerce; subsequently other Philippine ports were opened. Foreign capital was allowed to operate on an equal footing with Spanish merchants in 1829. By this means agricultural production particularly of sugar and hemp, was accelerated and modernized. Local industries flourished in Manila and its suburbs — weaving, embroidery, hatmaking, carriage manufacture, rope-making, cigar and cigarettes-making. (59) Much of the finished products of these industries were exported. Yet although Philippine exports kept rising during the nineteenth century, imports of manufactured goods also rose and foreign, particularly English capital dominated external trade and commerce. 60) This partly because of short-sighted Spanish colonial trade policies and the relative inexperience and lack of capital of Spanish colonial trade policies and the relative inexperience and lack of capital of Spanish and Filipino merchants. The prosperity arising from expanded world trade and commerce in the nineteenth century led to Manila’s rapid development as a cosmopolitan center. Modern amenities — a waterworks system, steam tramways, electric l ights, newspapers, a banking system — were introduced into the city by the latter half of the nineteenth century. 61) Undoubtedly, commercial needs led to the Spanish governments establishment of a Nautical School, vocational schools and a School of Agriculture during the nineteenth century. Various offices and commissions were also created by the Spanish ___________________ (57) Blair and Robertson, op. cit. , Vol. LI, pp. 38-39. (58) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 138-142; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, pp. 195-197. (59) de la Costa, op. cit. , pp. 143-160; Cushner, Spain in the Philippines, op. cit. , pp. 197-209; Mcmicking, op. cit. , chaps. XXVI-XXVII; Bowring, op. cit. chap. I. (60) Carlos Recur, Filipinas; Estudios Administrativos y Commerciales (Madrid: Imprenta de Ramon Moreno y Ricardo Rojas, 1879), pp. 93-122. Recur observed (p. 110) that from the commercial point of view, the Philippines was an Anglo-Chinese colony flying the Spanish flag (â€Å"†¦ bajo el punto de vista comercial Filipinas es una colonia anglo-china con bandera espanola†¦ â€Å"). (61) John Foreman, The Philippine Islands (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, Ld. , 1890), chap. ; Mcmicking, op. cit. , chap. XXV. government by the Spanish government to undertake studies and regulations of mines, research on Philippine flora, agronomic research and teaching, geological research and chemical analysis of mienral waters throughout the country. (62) However, little is known about the accomplishments of these scientific bodies. Meteorological studies were promoted by Jesuits who founded the Manila Observatory in 1865. The Obs ervatory collected and made available typhoon and climatological observations. These observations grew in number and importance so that by 1879, it became possible for Fr. Federico Faura to issue the first public typhoon warning. The service was so highly appreciated by the business and scientific communities that in April 1884, a royal decree made the Observatory an official institution run by the Jesuits, and also established a network of meteorological stations under it. (63) In 1901, the Observatory was made a central station of the Philippine Weather Bureau which was set up by the American colonial authorities. It remained under the Jesuit scientists and provided not only meteorological but also seismological and astronomical studies. The benefits of economic development during the nineteenth century were unevenly distributed in the archipelago. While Manila prospered and rapidly modernized, much of the countryside remained underdeveloped and poor. The expansion of agricultural production for export exacerbated existing socio-economic inequality, that had been cumulative consequence of the introduction of land as private property at the beginning of Spanish rule. There was increasing concentration of wealth among the large landowners — the Spaniards, especially the religious orders, the Spanish and Chinese mestizos, the native Principalia — and poverty and landlessness among the masses. This inequality, coupled with abuses and injustices committed by the Spanish friars and officials gave rise to Philippine nationalism and eventually the Revolution of 1896. ——————– 62) There were the Inspeccion General de Minas created by Royal Decree in 1837; Commission de Flora de Filipinas, 1876; Comision Agronomica de Filipinas, 1881; Comision Especial de Estudios Geologicos y Geograficos de Filipinas, 1885; and Comision de Estudios de las Aguas Minero Medicinales, 1884. See Leoncio Lopez Rizal, â€Å"Scientific and Technical Organizations in the Philippine Islands,† in NRCP. op. cit. , Bulletin No. 3, pp. 155-159. (63) The meteorological studies done at the Observatory, notably by Jose Algue Sanllei, became world renowned. Some were subjects of discussion at International Meteorological Congresses and were published in the Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society in London. See John N. Schumacher, â€Å"One Hundred Years of Jesuit Scientists: The manila Observatory 1865-1965,† Philippine Studies, Vol. 13 (1965), pp. 258-286; Valera, op. cit. , pp. 1-22. At the end of the Spanish regime, the Philippines had evolved into a primary agricultural exporting economy. Progress in agriculture had been made possible by some government support for research and education in this field. But it was largely the entry of foreign capital and technology which brought about the modernization of some sectors, notably sugar and hemp production. The lack of interest in and support for research and development of native industries like weaving, for example, eventually led to their failure to survive the competition with foreign imports. Because of necessity and the social prestige attached to university education, medicine and pharmacy remained the most developed science-based professions during the Spanish regime. Science and Technology During the First Republic There was very little development in science and technology during the short-lived Philippine Republic (1898-1900). The government took steps to establish a secular educational system by a decree of 19 October 1898, it created the Universidad Literaria de Filipinas as a secular, state-supported institution of higher learning. It offered courses in law, medicine, surgery, pharmacy and notary public. During its short life, the University was able to hold graduation exercises in Tarlac on 29 September 1899 when degrees in medicine and law were awarded. (64) Developments in Science and Technology During the American Regime Science and technology in the Philippines advanced rapidly during the American regime. This was made possible by the simultaneous government encouragement and support for an extensive public education system; the granting of scholarships for higher education in science and engineering; the organization of science research agencies and establishment of science-based public services. The Americans introduced a system of secularized public school education as soon as civil government was set up in the islands. On 21 January 1901, the Philippine Commision, which acted as the executive and legislative body for the Philippines until 1907, promulgated Act No. 74 creating a Department of Public Instruction in the Philippines. It provided for the establishment of schools that would give free primary education, with English as the medium of instruction. This was followed by the setting up of a Philippine Normal School to train Filipino teachers. Secondary schools were opened after a further enactment of the Philippine in ————– (64) Most of its faculty and students had actually come from the University of Santo Tomas. See Alzona, op. cit. , pp. 177-180; Teodoro A. Agoncillo, Malolos; The Crisis of the Republic (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1960), pp. 250-251. Commission in 1902. The Philippine Medical School was established in 1905 and was followed by other professional and technical schools. These were later absorbed into the University of the Philippines. The colonial authorities initially adopted a coordinated policy for the promotion of higher education in the sciences and government research institutions and agencies performing technical functions. The University of the Philippines was created on 18 June 1908 by Act of the Philippine Legislature. Among the first colleges to be opened were the College of Agriculture in Los Banos, Laguna in 1909, the Colleges of Liberal Arts, Engineering and Veterinary Medicine in 1910 and the College of Law in 1911. By 1911, the University had an enrollment of 1,400 students, (65) Four Years later, its enrollment had almost doubled (to 2,398) and the University included two new units, a School of Pharmacy and a Graduate School of Tropical Medicine and Public Health. 66) In 1916, the School of Forestry and Conservatory of Music were established; and in 1918, the College of Education was opened. Except in the College of Medicine, where there were already a number of Filipino physicians who were qualified to become its faculty members when it was opened in 1907, most of the early instructors and professor in the sciences and engineering at the University of the Philippines were Americans and other foreigners. Qualified Filipinos were sent abroad for advanced training and by this means foreign faculty were gradually replaced by Filipinos. For example, in 1920, Filipino Ph. D. graduates of U. S. universities took over the Department of Agriculture Chemistry in the College of Agriculture. By December 1926, the university’s enrollment in all colleges had reached 6,464 and out of a total teaching staff of 463, only 44 were Americans and other foreigners. (67) ——————— (65) Distributed among its various colleges and follows: College of Liberal Arts — 215, College of Medicine and Surgery – 56, College of Agriculture — 186, College of Veterinary Science — 14, College of Engineering — 11, College of Law — 154 and School of Fine Arts — 801. See Census Office of the Philippine Islands, Census of the Philippine Islands, 1918) Vol. IV, Part II: Schools Universities, Commerce and Transportation, Banks and Insurance (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1921), p. 602. (66) See ibid, p. 608. (67) Findings of the Monroe Survey of Education in the Philippines cited in W. Cameron Forbes, The Philippine Islands Vol. I (Boston and New York: Hougton Mifflin Co. , 1929) p. 477. Before 1910, the American colonial government encouraged young men and women to get higher professional education as much as possible in American colleges. In 1903, the Philippine commission passed an Act to finance the sending of 135 boys and girls of high school age to the United States to be educated as teachers, engineers, physicians and lawyers. (68) One third of these were chosen by the governor-general on a nation-wide basis and the rest by the provincial authorities. In exchange for this privilege, the pensionados, as they came to be called, were to serve in the public service for five years after their return from their studies. Between 1903 and 1912, 209 men and women were educated under this program in American schools. 69) After the establishment of the University of the Philippines, scholarships for advanced studies of a scientific or technical nature in American Universities were given only in preparation for assignment to jobs in the public service. The Philippine Commission introduced science subjects and industrial and vocational education into the Philippine school system but they found that industrial and vocation cou rses were very unpopular with the Filipinos. When the Manila Trade School was opened in 1901, the school authorities found it difficult to get students to enroll in these courses. Because of their almost 400 years of colonial experience under the Spaniards, middle class Filipinos had developed a general disdain for manual work and a preference for the prestigious professions of the time, namely, the priesthood, law and medicine. Education in these professions came to be regarded as the means of making the best of the limited opportunities in the Spanish colonial bureaucracy and thus of rising from one’s social class. Hence, even at the newly-opened University of the Philippines, it was difficult to get students to —————– The University began in 1911 with a faculty of only 36 scholars with the rank of assistant professor or higher, of which only five (14 per cent) were Filipinos, mostly from the College of Medicine. The remaining members of the faculty were Americans or in one or two cases other foreign professionals. In 1925, of 150 faculty members with the rank of assistant professor or higher, 117 (78 per cent ) were Filipinos and 33 (22 per cent) were American or other foreign scholars. See Harry L. Case and Robert A. Bunnel, The University of the Philippines; External Assistance and Development (East Lansing, Michigan: Institute for International Studies in Education, Michigan State University, 1970), p. 10, Table 1. (68) Forbes, op. cit. , p. 457 (69) Charles Burke Elliott, The Philippines to the End of the Commission Government: A Study in Tropical Democracy (New York: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1968), p. 242. The author served as Secretary of Commerce and Police in the Philippines Commission from 1910-1912. o enroll in courses whic How to cite Science, Essay examples

Saturday, May 2, 2020

Shin Saimdang Example For Students

Shin Saimdang Biography Outline1 Biography2 Key ideas in painting3 Famous paintings made by Shin Saimdang Biography Shin Saimdang is one of the most recognizable and well-known women in the history of Korea. She is famous for being a talented painter, calligraphist, embroiderer, writer and poet and at the same time a role model mother of seven children. She was born in 1504 in the village of Bukpyong, Kangneung, Kangwon Province in Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). Her father — Shin Myeonghwa was a distinguished academic and gained the title of Presented Scholar in 1516. Saimdang’s mother also originated from the family of savant Yi Saon. She was the only daughter and got a proper education in classics. Shin Saimdang was deeply influenced by her family. She had four sisters and no brothers. In Joseon Korean culture it was transitionally correct for the oldest son to take care of his mother and father. Having no sons, Saimdang’s parents could rely only on their daughters. Saimdang was responsible for providing and caring for them until their deaths. She also brought up seven children. One of her sons was a renowned scholar and politician Yi I who is regarded as one of the greatest Joseon Neo-Confucian reformer. For all that accomplishments Shin Saimdang received the title â€Å"Lady of Honor† and is the role model for all Korean mothers. Key ideas in painting During the five-century room of Joseon Dynasty, many artists depicted everyday life in their drawings which now serve as reflections of the Joseon era. Shin Saimdang was into nature since she was a little girl. She began to display her artistic talent at a really early age, her father discovered her aptitude and supported his little daughter. She has always felt connected to the world around; all this feeling can be clearly seen in her drawings. Her work was done with passion, showing her love and honor of nature. Saimdang portrayed plants the way she perceived them with her eyes and soul thus creating her own artistic genre — â€Å"Chochungdo.† She made many paintings of nature, such as ground cherries, eggplants, and watermelon, earning respect as an artist. There is even a story that one day a butterfly landed on a flower that was drawn on her painting because it looked so real. That shows how much time Saimdang dedicated to depicting the nature with utter precision, conserving its perfection. Famous paintings made by Shin Saimdang The most famous artwork of Shin Saimdang is a folding screen decorated with eight elements including grass and insects. It is called â€Å"Eight-fold Chochungdo.† It is recognized as a masterpiece for the subtle depiction of flowers, fruits, and insects in clear colors and stable composition. Many other artists tried their hands at Chochungdo but none of them was able to master it as Shin Saimdang did, that is why the name Chochungdo and Shin Saimdang are inseparable. Capability to successfully combine her family responsibilities as an ideal mother, wife, and daughter and succeeding in art even in a male-dominated era has brought her great recognition and high respect in present-day Korea. Shin Saimdang is the only woman featured on the Korean banknote, and it is impossible to find any other woman who is that highly praised in this country.

Tuesday, March 24, 2020

Radiation Effects of Hiroshima an Example of the Topic All Posts by

Radiation Effects of Hiroshima Radiation disease is something like a devil who sticks around with unshakable determination all your life (Selden The Atomic Bomb: Voices from Hiroshima and Nagasaki) On August 6, 1945 one of the most terrible atrocities in modern history took place in the Japanese city of Hiroshima. Atom bomb was completely on target and exploded in Hiroshima, with a force equivalent to twenty thousand tons of TNT, eighteen hundred feet in the air near the center of a flat city built mainly of wood. It created an area of total destruction (including residential, commercial, industrial, and military structures) extending three thousand meters (about two miles) in all directions; and destroyed sixty thousand of ninety thousand buildings within five thousand meters (over three miles), an area roughly encompassing the city limits. Flash burns from the beat generated by the release of an enormous amount of radiant energy occurred at distances of more than four thousand meters (two and a half miles), depending upon the type and amount of clothing worn and the shielding afforded by immediate surroundings. Injuries from the blast, and from splintered glass and falling de bris, occurred throughout the city and beyond. Need essay sample on "Radiation Effects of Hiroshima" topic? We will write a custom essay sample specifically for you Proceed Undergraduates Often Tell EssayLab support: I'm not in the mood to write my essay. Because I don't have the time Essay writer professionals advise: Contact Us To Get Your Essay Writing Services Professional Writing Services Essay Writer Service Best Essay Writing Service The number of deaths, immediately and over a period of time, will probably never be fully known. Variously estimated from 63,000 to 240,000 or more, the official figure is usually given as 78,000, but the city of Hiroshima estimates 200,000 - the total encompassing between 25 and 50 per cent of the citys then daytime population (also a disputed figure, varying from 227,000 to over 400,000). Publicly accepted estimates of the population at the time of the bombing are 280,000 to 290,000 civilians and 40,000 military personnel. That morning many workers from neighboring towns and villages were assembled in Hiroshima in order to clear debris from buildings that had been destroyed to create fire lanes in the city. People who gathered for physical labor at demolition sites included young teenagers. Schooling had been interrupted by the war, and students were mobilized daily to make fire lanes or to work at factories. Elementary school students who were third graders and above had been evacuated to the countryside in order to avoid possible air raids. Some children were sent in a group to safer areas, and others went to stay with relatives in the countryside. Younger children remained in the city with their parents. Victims of the bombing included all sorts of people: parents, small children, older children, elderly people, and laborers from other areas, as well as military personnel. In 1976, the city of Hiroshima reported to the United Nations that the number of the victims who had died from radiation effects by the end of December 1945 was between 130,000 and 150,000 (Yoneyama, 1999). The enormous disparity is related to the extreme confusion which then existed, to differing methods of calcul ation, and to underlying emotional influences, quite apart from mathematical considerations, which have at times affected the estimators. An accurate estimate may never be possible, but what can be said is that all of Hiroshima immediately became involved in the atomic disaster Two thousand meters (1.2 miles) is generally considered to be a crucial radius for susceptibility to radiation effects, and for high mortality in general--from blast, beat, or radiation--though many were killed outside of this radius. Within it, at points close to the hypocenter, heat was so extreme that metal and stone melted, and human beings were literally incinerated. The area was enveloped by fires fanned by a violent "firewind"; these broke out almost immediately within a radius of more than three thousand meters (up to two miles). The inundation with death of the area closest to the hypocenter was such that if a man survived within a thousand meters (.6 miles) and was out of doors (that is, without benefit of shielding from heat or radiation), more than nine tenths of the people around him were fatalities; if he was unshielded at two thousand meters, more than eight of ten people around him were killed. Mortality indoors was lower, but even then to have a 50-per-cent chance of escaping both death or injury, one had to be about twenty two hundred meters (1.3 miles) from the hypocenter. Within half an hour after the explosion, it started raining. This was not a normal rain but a black rain containing radioactive dust and ashes. The black rain devastated the city further by spreading radiation far beyond the areas the explosion itself had damaged. It is said that the rain reached over 25 kilometers (15.5 miles) from ground zero (Yoneyama, 1999). Radiation released by the bombing caused fatal injuries to many people in the city. Both the soil and all objects in the area became radioactive and many people who did not perish immediately died soon afterward from residual radiation. Not only people who were in the city at the time of the bombing but also those who entered it to search for their loved ones were fatally exposed to this residual radiation. There were, however, people who survived the massive fire, the black rain, and the residual radiation. These people were seriously harmed both physically and psychologically. The immense release of nuclear radiation includes gamma rays and neutrons, which do the most damage to living tissues. Much of the radiation is released in the first minute. There are longer-term energy releases as well, including fallout, which can carry radioactive particles far and wide, as scientists were to see most clearly later in the Marshall Islands tests. Studies that were conducted among Hiroshima survivors report some findings on immediate and continuous consequences of exposure to radiation. For instance, Yamazaki and Fleming (1995) interviewed women, who have been scarcely half a mile from the hypocenter of the explosion. Some of them had been thrown through the air by the blast and left unconscious. Yamazaki and Fleming (1995) indicate that all of them had suffered radiation illness in some form - lassitude, bloody diarrhea, loss of hair, skin hemorrhaging, ulcerations of the mouth, sores on the face, symptoms that continued for the duration of their pregnancies for some, longer for others. Selden and Selden (1989) affirm that more people died from the burns and radiation effects than from external injuries. They indicate that those who were in the open and directly exposed to the burst incurred burns over the entire body and died on the spot. Selden and Selden writes: An incoherent shock like state, with marked prostration, some times preceded the other symptoms, which progressed to early and severe symptoms of radiation effects and death (1989:71). Apart from biological consequences, bombing and radiation had a significant impact on survivors mental health. Studies indicate that many persons and patients appeared disoriented for several hours, unable to recall where they were at the time of the bombing (). It is impossible to tell whether this was an emotional response to the terrible events they had witnessed or some brain injury. At the time specialists were unaware that the brain could be damaged by radiation. These manifestations of toxic radiation effects aroused in the minds of the people of Hiroshima a special terror, an image of a weapon which not only instantly kills and destroys on a colossal scale but also leaves behind in the bodies of those exposed to it deadly influences which may emerge at any time and strike down their victims. According to Hein and Selden (1997), this image was made particularly vivid by the delayed appearance of these symptoms and fatalities - two to four weeks later - in people who bad previo usly seemed to be in perfect health and externally untouched. The scientific findings do not contradict some personal material included in books and poems written in the post-bomb period in Japan. Many who suffered the devastation of the bombs remain convinced that residual radiation, both in the area of the hypocenter and in more distant areas affected only by fallout, had serious biological consequences for the survivors. References James N. Yamazaki, Louis B. Fleming (1995). Children of the Atomic Bomb: An American Physicians Memoir of Nagasaki, Hiroshima, and the Marshall Islands, Duke University Press Mark Selden, Kyoko Selden (1989). The Atomic Bomb: Voices from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, M. E. Sharpe Laura Hein, Mark Selden (1997). Living with the Bomb: American and Japanese Cultural Conflicts in the Nuclear Age, M.E. Sharpe Selden K. Selden L. (1989). The Atomic Bomb: Voices from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, M.E. Sharpe Yoneyama L. (1999). Hiroshima Traces: Time, Space, and the Dialectics of Memory, University of California Press

Friday, March 6, 2020

Saturday Night Live essays

Saturday Night Live essays Saturday Night Live has been a great comedic series with many of the greatest comedians starting on the show. For 28 years the show has been one of the best comedy and live shows that we have seen. The show has had hosts and musical guests of all types, from Al Gore to Howard Cosell. The first year, 1975, had 24 shows and was filled with comedians such as Dan Aykroyd, Chevy Chase, and John Belushi. The hosts in the first year featured Paul Simon, Dick Carvette, and Desi Arnaz, and with such musical appearances by Bill Withers, Betty Carter, and Randy Newman. The second year had 20 episodes and introduced a comedian named Bill Murray. The show featured many guests such as Jodie Foster, Steve Martin, and Paul Simon again. The musical guests included Frank Zappa, The Meters, and James Taylor. In the 77-78 year the only change in comedians was the absence of Chevy Chase who finished on the 15th of January in 1977. This years hosts included many famous people such as Hugh Hefner, Chevy Chase, O.J. Simpson, and Steve Martin. Musical guests were at a high point with stars like Willie Nelson, Billy Joel and Elvis Costello. The fourth year had 17 shows with no new additions to the comedic crew but had many new hosts such as The Rolling Stones, Carrie Fisher, and Steve Martin. The musical guests included Judy Collins, Walter Matthau, and The Blues Brothers. The 1979-1980 the crew lost Dan Aykroyd and John Belushi and included guests like Buck Henry, Chevy Chase, Burt Reynolds, Rodney Dangerfield and Martin Sheen. The 79-80 season included musical guests like Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers, The B-52s, and Paul and Linda McCartney. The 1980s saw new comedians like Tony Rosato, Robin Duke, and Tim Kazurinsky. The hosts of the 6th season included Bill Murray, Chevy Chase, and Jamie Lee Curtis and had musical guests like Aretha Franklin, James Brown, and Joe Carrasco The next season saw no new faces in the ...